PS

*šī̆/šī̆ˀ/šī̆ya - she (Kogan 2009:66)

Forms with the initial sibilant, whose primary nature cannot be doubted in view of the data of non-Semitic Afroasiatic languages, are found in Akk. and, to a greater or lesser extent, in MSA. In Ug., Heb., Arb. and Sab. *š- shifts to h- (Kogan 2009:66).

Akkadian
šī - she (CAD Š₂ 365, AHw. 1224)
Ugaritic
hy - she, it (DUL 350)
Hebrew
hī(ˀ) - she (HALOT 240)
Arabic
hiya - she (BK II 1463)
Sabaic
hˀ, hyˀ - she (SD 55)
Geez
yəˀəti - she (CDG 625)
No convincing explanation of the loss of the initial *h has been suggested. The deictic extension *-tī has parallels in other pronominal forms (for example, Geez zātti). See Bulakh–Kogan 2013b:98.
Tigre
həta - she (WTS 16)
Secondarily derived from hətu by means of replacing the final -u with the feminine pronominal suffix -a (Bulakh–Kogan 2013b:98).
Tigrinya
ˀəta - that (fem. sg. demonstrative pronoun) (TED 1467)
Obviously related to Tigre həta, but preserved only with the function of the remote deixis pronoun.
Zway
it - she (EDG 102, 359)
Gafat
yət - she (Bulakh–Kogan 2013b:95)
Mehri
sē/sēh - she (ML 337)
The initial s- is irregular and remains to be explained.
Jibbali
sɛ/sɛh - she (JL 220)
The initial s- is irregular and remains to be explained.
Harsusi
sēh - she (HL 109)
The initial s- is irregular and remains to be explained.
Soqotri
seʰ - she (LS 279; CSOL I 639; CSOL II 570; Naumkin et al. 2015a:83)