The lexeme (and its derivatives ḳannāˀu ‘envier’ (CAD Q 81, AHw. 897) and ḳinītu ‘concubine, second-ranking wife’ (CAD Q 254)) is so marginal and (predominantly) so late that the possibility of WS influence (*ḳnˀ) remains quite feasible, even if more caution in this respect is probably in order. For further possible evidence from the lexical lists v. Civil 1990. The noun ḳinˀu ‘jealousy’ is known from Old Assyrian letters. This is, of course, a strong argument in favor of the autochthonous origin of this root, yet the very question why it is so exceedingly rare in the extant corpus (particularly in the Babylonian sources) remains essentially valid.
Cf. ḳerītu ‘banquet, festivaľ (CAD Q 240, AHw. 917). In von Soden’s view, the WS parallel to this Akkadian verb is *ḳrˀ ‘to calľ (Kogan 2015:214).
The lexical pair of Arabic qimmat-, but the data are insufficient for a reliable reconstruction. Possibly an Akkadian-Arabic borrowing, though without an Aramaic intermediary (Kogan–Krebernik 2021a:392).
NA ḳiˀu ‘envy’ is best explainable as a WS loan (Kogan 2015:89).