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Scarce attestation, PS reconstruction not very reliable. Cf. Akk. šiliḳḳu ‘a bird’ SB (CAD Š₂ 444, AHw. 1236), šilingu (šillumgu) ‘a bird’ NB (CAD Š₂ 444, AHw. 1236) with ḳ and g instead of the expected k.

For the distribution of the initial š- and h- in individual languages see *šū̆/šū̆ˀ/šū̆wa (compare also the initial ˀ- in BArm). In individual languages there are different ways of opposing the masculine form of the 3 pl. pronoun to the feminine one. In Akk. and BArm. the two forms are opposed through the vocalic contrast in the second and third syllables (masc. -u-...-u vs. fem. -i-...-a) with no consonantal contrast (-n- in both genders). In Arb., Hrs. and Jib. the gender opposition is provided by the third consonant (masc. -m- vs. fem. -n-) alongside with some vocalic differences. The mere consonantal opposition is present in Hebrew and Mehri. See Kogan 2009:66–68.

The shift *š- > h is distributed between languages the same way as in the realm of independent pronouns of the 3rd person.
The plural of the pronominal suffix of the 3rd person is based on the element š- with the extension -m- or -n- combined with more or less expressed vocalic oppositions (Kogan 2009:69). The character of consonantal and vocalic oppositions in individual languages generally corresponds to the nominative forms.