Reconstructions

PWS
*ḳut- - kind of insect (SED II No. 140)
Not fully reliable, an accidental phonetic coincidence cannot be ruled out. Cf. SED II No. 141.
PWS
*ḳtl - to kill (Kogan 2015:395)
PWS
*ḳVṭVn- - kind of insect (SED II No. 141)
PWS
*ḳwl - to say (Kogan 2015: 119)
See also *ḳawl-/*ḳāl- - voice. The widespread equation between this root and Akk. ḳâlu ‘to become silent, to stay quiet’ is hard to justify semantically.
PWS
*ḳawl-/*ḳāl- - voice (Kogan 2015: 119)
PWS
*ḳwm - to stand (Kogan 2015: 444)
PWS
*ḳayṯ̣-̣ - summer (Kogan 2015: 125)
Shall one tentatively compare Akk. kaṣû ‘to be cold’ – otherwise virtually without Semitic etymology – with an enantiosemic shift of meaning possibly paralleled by Akk. šarāpu ‘to burn’– šurīpu ‘ice’, for which see Eilers 1986:41? Cf. also Gez. ḥamad ‘ashes’ – ḥamadā ‘snow’. On this hypothetical semantic development see also Fronzaroli 1965a:142
PWS
*li/la - to (preposition) (Arakelova 2001:33, Kogan 2015:119)
its derivation from the verbal root *wly ‘to adhere, to be near’ advocated in Voigt 1999:41 is highly unlikely If the preposition is diachronically identical with the precative marker *li (Huehnergard 2006:16), one may trace it back to PS, assuming an independent loss of its prepositional function in Akkadian and MSA (the l-precative is prominently attested in both). If this relationship is rejected, the preposition *li may be regarded as a shared innovation of the CS/EthS genealogical unity (Kogan 2015: 119)
PWS
*lˀk - to send (Kogan 2015: 120)
PWS
*lbn - to be white (Bulakh 2004: 270–273; Bulakh 2006: 185–195; Kogan 2011: 198)
Level? See also *laban- - white Given the fact that transparent cognates to this root are missing in both Akkadian and Ethiopian, there is no serious obstacle against tracing it back to the would-be common ancestor of CS and MSA. But this is a truly unique example of this kind (Kogan 2015: 115)