Reconstructions

PC
*γār- - (loose) skin, dewlap (SED I No. 106; Kogan 2011: 216)
has no etymology
PC
*hlm - to hit, to strike (Kogan 2015: 292)
Cf. perhaps (with Leslau 1958:18 and DRS 417) Tna. halämä ‘to smack someone in the face, to box his ears’
PC
*hm - to be noisy (DRS 419)
biconsonantal element
PC
*hamull-at- - crowd (DRS 419, Kogan 2015: 292)
is probably an extension of the biconsonantal element *hm ‘to be noisy’ Arb. hml ‘to overflow and pour forth (water, rain)’ compared in HALOT 251 is semantically remote; Arb hamūlat- - ‘(a herd) left to graze by itself’ is also not connected to the present root
PC
*harr- - mountain (Kogan 2015: 293)
+ Eg.-syll. ha⸗ru₂ (Hoch 1994:213‒215) cf. perhaps Tna. hərät ‘ridge of mountains, mountain chain, high place, elevation, hill’
PC
*ḥudṯ- - new moon, month (Pardee 2000: 151‒152, Kogan 2015: 293)
is derived from PS *ḥdṯ ‘to be new’
PC
*ḥallān- - window (Greenfield 1969: 98, Ginsberg 1970: 103, Kogan 2015: 294)
The presence of ḥ in the Ugaritic form makes unlikely the traditional identification with *ḫll ‘to bore, to pierce’
PC
*ḥāmiy-(a)t- - wall (Blau 1957: 98, Marrassini 1971: 54‒56, Ginsberg 1973:134, Kogan 2015: 294)
is probably derived from PS *ḥmy ‘to watch, to protect’; to be reconstructed as an active participle *ḥāmiy-(a)t- on the joint evidence of Hebrew, El-Amarna and Ugaritic data if Arb ḥāmiyat- ‘mass of stones with which a well is cased’ and ḥāmiyeh - ‘courtyard’ are connected, it would push *ḥāmiy-(a)t- ‘wall’ back to PCS
PC
*ḥarraš-/*ḥaraš- - artisan (Kogan 2015: 295)
PC
*ḥwy - to prostrate oneself (Kogan 2015: 295)
The origin of Ugr and Hbr verbs is disputed, v. Kreuzer 1985:39‒41 and Tropper 1990:73‒74 for the history of research. Possible etymologies: - verbs are to be parsed as Št stem forms of the root ḥwy ‘to curl, to coil,’ unattested in Canaanite but present in Arabic (ḥwy (V) ‘to assume a round or circular form, to coil, to gather itself together (a snake)’). (HALOT 295) - from ḥwy ‘to live’, proposed in Segert 1984:185 (“to ask life for oneself”) and Kreuzer 1985:54‒60 (“hoch leben lassen; huldigen, anbeten”) - Arb. ˀistaḥyā ‘to be ashamed, to be shy of somebody’, the semantic relationship between “to be ashamed” and “to humiliate oneself” being well conceivable (Kogan 2015: 295)